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All names have been changed to protect interviewees’ anonymity but the sex market remains the same.

All names have been changed to protect interviewees’ anonymity but the sex market remains the same.
Good Girl, Gone Girl, and Women in Psychological Thrillers.
I enjoyed Gone Girl when it came out, so when the book became part of the zeitgeist I was thrilled. I was more than a little baffled, though, when people started saying that the book/movie was anti-feminist or even misogynist.
I get where some people were angry that Amy lied (twice) about being raped because false rape claims make people cynical about sexual assault. But, I think the fact that Amy also faked her own death and left a really compelling trail of evidence for a fake murder leading toward her husband because she decided she hated him (mostly for being a lazy, boring douche) kind underscores the point that she was crazy as fuck.
For all her crazy, Amy was also weirdly likeable, and almost every woman who I’ve talked who has read the book or seen the movie has commented that while Amy is clearly an awful person, she’s also sometimes on point, as in this oft-cited paragraph:
Men always say that as the defining compliment, don’t they? She’s a cool girl. Being the Cool Girl means I am a hot, brilliant, funny woman who adores football, poker, dirty jokes, and burping, who plays video games, drinks cheap beer, loves threesomes and anal sex, and jams hot dogs and hamburgers into her mouth like she’s hosting the world’s biggest culinary gang bang while somehow maintaining a size 2, because Cool Girls are above all hot. Hot and understanding. Cool Girls never get angry; they only smile in a chagrined, loving manner and let their men do whatever they want. Go ahead, shit on me, I don’t mind, I’m the Cool Girl.
Men actually think this girl exists. Maybe they’re fooled because so many women are willing to pretend to be this girl. For a long time Cool Girl offended me. I used to see men – friends, coworkers, strangers – giddy over these awful pretender women, and I’d want to sit these men down and calmly say: You are not dating a woman, you are dating a woman who has watched too many movies written by socially awkward men who’d like to believe that this kind of woman exists and might kiss them. I’d want to grab the poor guy by his lapels or messenger bag and say: The bitch doesn’t really love chili dogs that much – no one loves chili dogs that much!
And the Cool Girls are even more pathetic: They’re not even pretending to be the woman they want to be, they’re pretending to be the woman a man wants them to be. Oh, and if you’re not a Cool Girl, I beg you not to believe that your man doesn’t want the Cool Girl. It may be a slightly different version – maybe he’s a vegetarian, so Cool Girl loves seitan and is great with dogs; or maybe he’s a hipster artist, so Cool Girl is a tattooed, bespectacled nerd who loves comics. There are variations to the window dressing, but believe me, he wants Cool Girl, who is basically the girl who likes every fucking thing he likes and doesn’t ever complain. (How do you know you’re not Cool Girl? Because he says things like: “I like strong women.” If he says that to you, he will at some point fuck someone else. Because “I like strong women” is code for “I hate strong women.”)
The thing is, I didn’t find Gone Girl to be anti-feminist at all. In fact I think that by becoming a book read by people who don’t normally read , it changed the nature of how psychological thrillers feature women, and I’m delighted by that. Because the thing is, Amy is not a victim .
I read a lot of thrillers and mysteries, and while women’s roles in them are evolving, they are still frequently the victims. Even when a thriller features a strong female protagonist, a cop or a lawyer let’s say, she is almost always solving the murder of another woman. Mysteries and thrillers are built upon the bodies of fictional dead women, and if that women is white, petite, and young all the better. Just like when these crimes happen in real life, this particularly blend of victim (the blonde with the toothy smile) gets the most air time, lures in the most consumers.
You can justify this as saying that it’s reflective of reality: women are often the chosen victims of serial killers and other monsters who feature heavily in mystery fiction, and women are more often the victims of sexual violence, which is also a staple of the genre. Thrillers also frequently feature the death or disappearance of children to win readers with the same chill factor.
The reason that children make such compelling victims in fiction is that we assume they are inherently innocent. That’s why it’s hard to read about or watch a child get injured or die (fuck you, Game of Thrones , fuck you). The female murder victims of mystery fiction are often pushed under that same innocence umbrella. They are often young, attractive, and if they are not of middle or higher class, it’s made clear that something made them special , that they did not belong where they were. The reader empathizes with them.
The reality is, the poor, the itinerant, people of color, the mentally ill, and members of the LGBTQIA community are far more likely to be victims of violence, murder and sexual assault than affluent white woman, but these people rarely make it into mainstream thrillers. So it’s hard to justify all the dead bodies of women as representative when they aren’t .

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Another popular protection strategy is the use of deterrents. Because there is often not time to thoroughly screen clients, and since the likelihood of choosing a violent client is high, sex workers rely on persuading men not to harm them. The threat of a third party intervention was a popular deterrent in all markets. Neesha learned that using the threat of a boyfriend lurking round the next corner normally acts as a deterrent even though in reality she had no such protector: ‘I tell them that I have got a man who watches me and he will take the registration number and he knows where I take the punters’. Security is hired to discourage clients who contemplate robbing the establishment or attacking the worker. Drivers accompany workers because women fear clients could have a weapon or that several men could be hiding in the house: ‘You never go on an escort unless you have an escort yourself’ (Felicity, escort).

Another popular protection strategy is the use of deterrents. Because there is often not time to thoroughly screen clients, and since the likelihood of choosing a violent client is high, sex workers rely on persuading men not to harm them. The threat of a third party intervention was a popular deterrent in all markets. Neesha learned that using the threat of a boyfriend lurking round the next corner normally acts as a deterrent even though in reality she had no such protector: ‘I tell them that I have got a man who watches me and he will take the registration number and he knows where I take the punters’. Security is hired to discourage clients who contemplate robbing the establishment or attacking the worker. Drivers accompany workers because women fear clients could have a weapon or that several men could be hiding in the house: ‘You never go on an escort unless you have an escort yourself’ (Felicity, escort).
The final stage in managing the risk of violence in the sex industry is remedial protection. As reported by other researchers in relation to weapons used by street sex workers (Benson 1998, McKeganey and Barnard 1996) indoor workers reported using kitchen utensils, baseball bats, lighters and bleach in self-defence. Some sex workers are not afraid to use serious force to prevent personal injury. Astrid insists on using violence against any client who threatens her while Beryl reflects on an incident that happened 20 years earlier on the streets:
We have CS gas here and everything and I wouldn’t be afraid to use it. We have an alert buzzer and in the bedroom we have a pickaxe handle. And if I had my way I would kill someone if I had the chance (Astrid, working premises).
You have got to put up a fight. I mean I have had a gun at my head and the knife and been strangled before I came in the flats. . . . Later when I saw this guy do it to another girl I was out there kicking the car and smashing the window. And when this guy got another girl I knew where he was taking her so we jumped in the car with a couple of us and we had the bastard. He was getting it (Beryl, working premises).
It is not simply the case that the sex workers who were not attacked applied protection strategies while those who were attacked did not. The risk of physical harm can be calculated in relation to the environment. Working in the indoor sector is considerably safer than working on the streets, often because there are more people present and greater opportunity to assess clients. Street workers sell sex in environments that do not allow thorough screening because there is only a short amount of time available to make a decision on the trustworthiness of a client (see Barnard 1993). Therefore, the constraints and opportunities of each market determine strategies of protection and the likelihood of risk. The preponderance of complex strategies to prevent violence highlights the fact that sex workers are aware of the threat of violence and respond appropriately. In the hierarchy of harms, however, although violence scores above health concerns, there are other types of pitfall connected to selling sex to which sex workers assign higher risk profiles.
The literature on occupational hazards in prostitution tends to define risk in terms of health and sometimes violence. It is only recently that acknowledgement has been given to the emotional stress of selling sex and the related health implications (see Rickard 1998: 127). Empirical studies have attempted to assess the psychological effects of selling sex. Involvement in prostitution has been linked to post-traumatic stress disorder (Farley et al. 1998), depression (Bagley 1999, Chudakov et al. 2002), eating disorders (Cooney 1990) and drug use (Sterk 2000). Although no causal inferences can be made directly from these studies, they indicate that for some women, prostitution may contribute to psychological distress. This can also be supported by recent research that documents pragmatic, symbolic and psychological defence mechanisms used by sex workers to separate their private life from work (Boynton 2002: 8, Brewis and Linstead 2000, Day 1994, O’Neill 2001: 89, Phoenix 2000, Warr and Pyett 1999). Hoigard and Finstad (1992) found that the public and the private worlds of the female sex worker were divided by blanking out techniques, retaining physical boundaries, keeping to time, hiding appearance and avoiding emotional relationships with (long-term) customers. My study contributes to this growing body of evidence by not only describing further emotional management techniques (see Sanders 2002, 2004), but in this paper I argue that sex workers are more concerned with preventing emotional risks because the risks related to health and violence can be effectively managed.
Sex workers in my study identified the emotional consequences of selling sex as a significant, persistent concern that demanded more strategic thought and planning compared with other risks. The possible negative impact of selling sex was described in three ways: first, the emotional implications for managing sex as work and sex as pleasure; second, the risks posed by the threat of ‘being discovered’ working as ‘a prostitute’; and third, the potential failure of emotional management strategies. These will be discussed below.

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The following section reviews the data available on the different types of violence covered in this report: abuse of women, sexual assault, sexual abuse of children, neglect of girl children, and culture-bound practices that are harmful to women. Box 2 presents an overview of violence as it occurs through the life cycle. A life-cycle approach to gender-based victimization provides important insights into the immediate as well as the cumulative effects of violence on the lives of women and girls. Violence can occur during any phase of a woman’s life; many women experience multiple episodes of violence throughout their lives. A life-cycle perspective also reveals that violence experienced in one phase can have long-term effects that predispose the victim to severe secondary health risks, such as suicide, depression, and substance abuse. Evidence suggests that the earlier in a woman’s life violence occurs especially sexual violence-the deeper and more enduring are its effects (Burnam and others 1988).
Prevalence of abuse by intimate partners.
The most endemic form of violence against women is wife abuse-or, more accurately, abuse of women by intimate male partners. The 35 studies from a wide variety of countries summarized in table 1 straw that in many countries one quarter to more than half of women report having been physically abused by a present or former partner. An even larger percentage have been subjected to ongoing emotional and psychological abuse, a form of violence that many battered women consider worse than physical abuse. Although some of these studies are based on convenience samples, most are based on probability samples with a large number of respondents (Colombia, Kenya, Mexico, the United States).
Box 1 Evidence of women’s interest in gender-based violence.
When MATCH International, a Canadian funding organization, surveyed women’s groups in developing countries for suggestions on future funding priorities, violence against women was the number one reply (Carrillo 1992).
At a recent 12-country workshop held in China on women’s non-formal education, participants were asked to name the worst aspect of being female. The almost unanimous answer was fear of men’s violence (Bradley 1990).
At a accent meeting on women‘s reproductive health in Asia, sponsored by the Population Council and the Indonesian Epidemiology Network violence was identified as one of two priority areas (Population Council 1991).
At the November 1991 biannual conference of the Association of Women in Development women as one of their five priority health concerns. More abstracts were submitted on issues relating to violence than on any other single theme (Marcelo 1992).
The National Black Women’s Health Project has identified violence as the number one health issue for African American women in the United States (Avery 1990).
Women around the world collected more than 400,000 signatures (representing 124 countries) on a petition demanding that the United Nations Human Rights Conference held in June 1993 recognize violence against women as an abuse of women’s human rights (Center for Women’s Global Leadership 1993).
When the National Council for Women’s Rights in Brazil sponsored a meeting in 1986 to develop a list of women’s demands for the upcoming constitution writing process, women demanded a new constitutional clause recognizing violence against women (Pitanguy, personal communication, 1993).
Each of the studies is individually valid, but they are not directly comparable because each uses a different set of questions to probe for abuse. Most of the studies ask the respondents whether they have been “abused,. “beaten,” or “involved in a violent relationship. ” A subset (the studies from Barbados, Chile, and the United States) makes this determination using a list of “acts” that a woman may or may not have been subjected to during her lifetime (being hit with an object or fist, being bitten).” Clinical and research experience suggests that question formats that require a woman to self-identify as abused generally underestimate the physical and psychological violence in intimate relationships. In many cultures women are socialized to accept physical and emotional chastisement as a husband’s marital prerogative, limiting the range of behavior they consider abuse. Moreover, women are sometimes reluctant to report abuse out of shame or out of fear of incriminating other family members. Both factors suggest that the prevalence rates in table 1 likely underestimate the abuse of women.
Prevalence of rape and sexual assault.
Statistics from around the world suggest that sexual coercion is common in the lives of women and girls. Six well-designed studies from the United States, for example, suggest that between one in five and one in seven U.S, women will be the victim of a completed rape in her lifetime (Koss 1993; Kilpatrick, Edmunds, and Seymour 1992).3 The U.S. data are consistent with studies of rape in other parts of the world. Studies of rape among college-age women in Canada, New Zealand, the United Kingdom, and the United States reveal remarkably similar rates of completed rape across countries (DeKeseredy and Kelly l993; Gavey 1991; Beattie 1992; Koss, Gidycz, and Wisniewski 1987; table 2). A study among adult women (many of them college students) in Seoul, Korea, yielded a slightly lower rate of completed rape, but an equally high rate of attempted rape (Shirn 1992). All of these studies used adaptations of the same survey instrument, based on the Sexual Experiences Survey (SES) by Koss and Oros (1982).

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